As of now, I’m putting my full support behind Pauline Hanson.

Yesterday’s vote was a strategic play by both the Liberal Party of Australia and the Australian Labor Party — and if you’ve been following my last four posts, you already know that. Australians have been duped.

What people need to understand is this: Liberal and Labor are no longer opposing forces — they’re closing ranks. And right now, they’re closing in on Pauline Hanson because she’s popular, gaining momentum, and resonating with voters.

I believe Liberal and Labor will preference each other at the next election, because at the rate Pauline Hanson is going, one of those two parties is at risk of being pushed out. That’s no longer speculation — it’s evident, and the public support is growing.

And here’s the part people need to act on.

You don’t need to post hate.
You don’t need to argue.

You block. You unfollow. You delete.

You remove their voices the same way they’ve removed ours. That’s power. Quiet, collective, lawful power.

And if I run for politics again, I won’t be joining the old machinery.
I’ll be running my own party — unless something changes in the next 12 months. #australia #fypシ #viral

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Protecting 3rd Party who instructed Australian Electorial Commission to interfer with my platform during the Federal Election Last Year.
Documents are located in last post CBMK 23 Jan 2026 No 54
From the AEC FOI decision:
Page 1 — The AEC confirms my FOI request relates to documents about the “removal or restriction of my social media content by Meta Platforms Inc. (Facebook and Instagram).”
Pages 3–6 — The AEC refuses to release full details of how decisions were made or how communications with platforms occurred, citing internal deliberations, operational harm, and third-party business secrecy.
Pages 1–2 — The AEC expressly states it “did not contact TikTok in relation to my account.”
They disclose TikTok.
They refuse to fully disclose Meta.
What has happened to me raises serious questions about transparency, fairness, and democratic integrity in Australia.
A government authority withholding information from a federal election candidate, while actions are taken that restrict that candidate’s ability to reach the public, strikes at the core of our democracy. When political communication is curtailed, hidden, or selectively enforced, the public’s right to freely choose their representatives is undermined.
Under the Australian Constitution, sections 7 and 24 give rise to an implied freedom of political communication. That freedom exists so the people can hear competing political views and make informed choices at elections. Any action that burdens that freedom — particularly during or leading into an election — must be lawful, proportionate, and transparent.
I was penalised for social media posts well before I had even applied to run as a candidate, at a time when I was not subject to electoral authorisation requirements. Those penalties later followed me into my candidacy. That raises serious concerns about jurisdiction, retrospectivity, and fairness.
During my campaign, my content was restricted in a way that disproportionately affected Western Australia, despite my audience being national. This explains why, throughout the election period, the majority of my engagement came from the east coast. Yet immediately after the election — between 3 May and 1 June — I gained approximately 50,000 followers, demonstrating that the suppression of my reach was not organic, but lifted once the election had passed.
Despite this, restrictions and compliance notices remain attached to my Facebook and Instagram accounts. My reach has remained capped at approximately 86,000 followers since November, with people continuing to be removed from my page. I have been penalised for music content despite agreements being in place, and despite repeated correspondence with Meta.
The seriousness of this cannot be overstated. These actions may have materially interfered with my ability to campaign and with the public’s ability to hear from me. They did not just affect my candidacy — they affected the democratic process itself.
I have been forced to escalate this issue beyond Australia, including contacting United States senators, due to the lack of accountability and transparency shown by both Meta and Australian regulatory bodies, including the eSafety Commissioner.
If someone like me — who has fought to break cycles of disadvantage, who grew up in poverty, who has worked relentlessly to create a voice and platform — can be undermined in this way, then what message is being sent to Australians who dare to challenge the status quo?
What message does this send to children in Australia who grow up believing that hard work, integrity, and courage matter?

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Plain-English Summary of Every Schedule

This appendix is a navigation map, not the deep dive.
Each Schedule below tells people what to pay attention to and why.

🔴 SCHEDULE 1 — Criminal Law Amendments (Speech & Expression)
What it does

Increases penalties for using postal or carriage services (internet, phone, messaging, social media) to “menace, harass or cause offence”.

Expands racial vilification offences.

Lowers the bar from intent to impact or risk.

Why it matters

“Offence” is subjective.

Online speech becomes criminal without a clear intent to harm.

Protests, political commentary, memes, reposts, and private messages can all be captured.

What Australians lose

Clear free political communication protections.

The requirement that criminal intent be proven.

🔴 SCHEDULE 2 — Intelligence, Privacy & Data Sharing (ASIO / ACC / ACIC)
What it does

Exempts ASIO and ACC from spent-conviction protections.

Allows use of pardoned, quashed, or spent convictions.

Overrides State and Territory privacy laws.

Allows intelligence use without court oversight.

Why it matters

Your past never dies.

Information can be shared across agencies indefinitely.

No meaningful appeal process.

What Australians lose

Rehabilitation protections.

Privacy finality.

Judicial oversight.

🔴 SCHEDULE 3 — Customs & Prohibited Material
What it does

Expands what is considered “prohibited material”.

Allows seizure of goods based on future risk or suspected use, not actual illegality.

Applies to imports and exports.

Why it matters

Material can be seized before a crime exists.

Academic, journalistic, or research material can be caught.

“Purpose” is assessed by authorities, not courts.

What Australians lose

Presumption of lawful ownership.

Protection against arbitrary seizure.

🔴 SCHEDULE 4 — Firearms (THIS IS THE BIG ONE)

This Schedule is huge and deliberately fragmented.

PART 1 — Firearms Background Checks (Buyback-Style Powers)
What it does

Allows firearms decisions based on intelligence assessments, not convictions.

Intelligence assessments are not reviewable in normal courts.

Uses ACIC / AFP / police intelligence, not judicial findings.

The loophole

Decisions shift from Parliaments & Premiers to:

Police Commissioners

Federal Ministers

National frameworks

This bypasses the John Howard model, where all States had to agree.

Why it matters

This is how a de facto buyback can occur without State votes.

PART 2 — Firearms Background Checks (Expanded Agencies)

ASIO, ACC, ACIC gain expanded authority.

“Risk” replaces “crime”.

Rights lost: due process.

Fallout from overseas conflicts.

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