Structure. Organizational structure. Similar to the Sicilian Cosa Nostra, the 'Ndrangheta is structured as a loose confederation of approximately one hundred groups, referred to as cosche or families. Each group asserts authority over a specific territory, typically a town or village, although their control over the monopoly of violence in these areas is not always absolute or fully legitimized. Estimates suggest that there are around 100 of these families, encompassing between 4,000 and 5,000 members within Reggio Calabria. Other estimates indicate a membership of 6,000–7,000 individuals, with a potential worldwide membership reaching approximately 10,000. The majority of these groups, numbering around 86, are active in the Province of Reggio Calabria. It is also believed that a portion of the reported 70 criminal groups based in the Calabrian provinces of Catanzaro and Cosenza maintain formal affiliations with the 'Ndrangheta. These family groups are primarily concentrated in impoverished towns and villages within Calabria, including Platì, Locri, San Luca, Africo, and Altomonte, as well as in Reggio Calabria, the main city and provincial capital. San Luca is widely regarded as a significant stronghold of the 'Ndrangheta. According to testimony from a former 'ndranghetista, "almost all the male inhabitants belong to the 'Ndrangheta," and the Sanctuary of Polsi has historically served as a meeting place for affiliates. Bosses from regions outside Calabria, including Canada and Australia, are reported to regularly attend meetings at the Sanctuary of Polsi, suggesting that 'ndrine globally perceive themselves as part of a unified collective entity. The fundamental local organizational unit within the 'Ndrangheta is the locale (local or place), which exercises jurisdiction over a town or a specific area within a larger urban center. A locale may encompass branches known as 'ndrina (plural: 'ndrine), which can be situated in different districts of the same city, in neighbouring towns or villages, or even outside Calabria. Notably, 'ndrine have been established in cities and towns in Northern Italy, particularly in the industrial regions around Turin and Milan. The presence of the 'Ndrangheta in Northern Italy can be traced back to the early 1960s, driven by a wave of labour migration from Calabria and the implementation of soggiorno obbligato – a policy of mandatory internal exile intended to isolate crime bosses from their home towns and criminal base in Calabria and Sicily. However, lawmakers failed to foresee that this strategy would backfire, effectively facilitating the northward expansion of mafia activity. A notable case is that of Bardonecchia, an alpine town in Piedmont near Turin, where Rocco Lo Presti was relocated in 1963. He was later joined by his cousin, Francesco Mazzaferro. Their criminal involvement in the local construction sector drew the attention of the Parliamentary Antimafia Commission, which conducted its first-ever inspection in Northern Italy in 1973, focusing on Bardonecchia. Lo Presti and Mazzaferro were identified as the dominant figures of the 'Ndrangheta in the Val di Susa area. Ultimately, in 1995, Bardonecchia became the first municipality in Northern Italy to be dissolved for suspected mafia infiltration, resulting in Lo Presti’s arrest. The towns of Corsico and Buccinasco in Lombardy are also considered to be 'Ndrangheta strongholds. Sub-units known as sotto 'ndrine are sometimes established. These subunits possess considerable autonomy, with their own leadership and staff. In some instances, 'ndrine have reportedly become more influential than the locale to which they are formally subordinate. Other perspectives suggest that the 'ndrina itself is the fundamental organizational unit. According to the Antimafia Commission, each 'ndrina operates autonomously within its territory, with no formal authority above the 'ndrina boss. Typically, an 'ndrina controls a small town or a neighborhood. In cases where multiple 'ndrine operate within the same town, they may form a locale. Within the 'Ndrangheta, membership in a crime family and blood relations are significantly intertwined. 'Ndrine predominantly consist of individuals from the same family lineage. Salvatore Boemi, an anti-mafia prosecutor in Reggio Calabria, informed the Italian Antimafia Commission that membership is often acquired "for the simple fact of being born into a mafia family." While other factors may attract individuals to seek membership, and non-kin have been admitted, familial ties remain central. Marriages serve to strengthen relationships within 'ndrine and expand membership. Consequently, each group is often composed of a few core blood families, leading to situations where "a high number of people with the same last name often end up being prosecuted for membership of a given 'ndrina." Given the absence of membership limits within a unit, bosses may prioritize maximizing ...
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